Class Antagonisms Inside the Fundamental Contradiction of National Oppression, by Sanyika Shakur
Class Antagonisms inside the Fundamental Contradiction of National Oppression
7â4â47 ADM (11)
Having just passed the 19th, and quickly approaching the 20th, anniversary of the L.A. Rebellion [1], We should be reminded here of what Rodney King whimpered as he stood in front of a bank of microphones surrounded by class enemies and neo-colonial politicians.
We should remember how heâd been dressed in that non-threatening cardigan sweater, white shirt, and black tie. How his hair had been tortured into submission by a jheri curl. We should reflect, as well, upon how timid and spooked he looked and on how concerned and stern those who flanked him were as well. That was a Kodak moment. It was staged to foster an image of contrition and resignation. Submission. A victim.
Rodney King had been led to believe, thru a bourgeois sense of reasoning, that the Rebellion was really about him. That the reason New-Afrikans and Mexicanos took to the streets of South Central was the result of his filmed beating.
That, of course, is typical of mechanical, bourgeois thinking. What itâs not typical of however, is someone from the âhood.[2] And this cuts both ways. No one in the âhoods and barrios, ever thought it was about Rodney King. Weâd all seen the film, over and over like everyone else. But that was par for the course. Weâd always seen that – long before anyone had caught it on tape.
Actually, Weâd experienced much more than that. Why, itâs safe to say, that hoods have gone to War with each other, in vicious waves of internal (intra-class) combat, for much less than that. Thoâ, because of a general colonial mentality, which prevents the challenging of (from bottom up) oppression, the same âhoodâ forces will not, in any systematic way, wage war on the pigs! Or for Freedom, Land and Socialism.[3]
Rodney King, alone and of his own accord would not have thought to hold a press conference to ask the asinine question (in the form of a whimpered request), âCanât We all just get along?â The fact of the matter was We were getting along. New Afrikans and Mexicanos were getting along just fine. What we couldnât overstand was why he was admonishing Us for getting at the exploiters of our communities? The impression he gave, with his handlersâ hands up his back, like a ventriloquist doll, was that a âRace Riotâ [4] was going on. As if we had begun to kill each other, or burn and rob each otherâs homes. His handlers compelled him to send up a false flag – a diversion. But, you see, this was the very thing that exposed the class interests and reactionary politics of the Uncle Toms that had been designated to handle him and by extension Us! [5]
Letâs go back for a minute, letâs talk social development (âhistoryâ). There exists a fundamental contradiction in Our lives that, like an elephant in the room, no one wants to acknowledge. Hereâs the thing, as a consequence of the war waged upon various Afrikan Nations by European powers, those of Us captured and kidnapped where taken out of Our own self-determining social developments and violently forced into Euro-amerikan his-tory. This is not simply a clever play on words. This is a reality. We lost the ability to control Our own destiny.[6] Read that again.
From that time until now, the fundamental (basic) contradiction between the U.S. oppressor Nation and Our own oppressed, and colonized Nation, has been the governing imperialist relationship. Which is to say, Us not being in control of the qualitative factors [7] that determine Our lives as a people. A Nation!
Our tradition of struggle against this fundamental contradiction has taken on many faces – some hidden or obscured, and some open and hostile. But all of these have been to resolve the fundamental contradiction and to regain Our independence.[8] While there have been bona fide struggles to resolve the contradiction, there, too, have been reactionary, neo-colonial struggles, waged by internal enemies loyal to the oppressor Nation and culture, that have tried time and time again to subvert and control Our destiny for the benefit of the capitalists.[9]
Theyâve come among Us, always imposed from above, stirring up emotions and giving lip service to âprogressâ, âequalityâ, âjusticeâ and âprosperityâ. These always within the colonial confines of the oppressorsâ arrangements.[10] And none, collectively, ever materialize, because without a resolution of the fundamental contradiction – that is, the freeing of Our productive forces from U.S. imperialism and the governing of Our own affairs, Weâll remain a âminorityâ within the Amerikan system (as opposed to a majority in Our own) and subjected to the established bourgeois social contract, i.e. colonialism. Neo and Post.[11]
We can parade all thru the empire with âblackâ congressman, âblackâ mayors, âblackâ governors, âblackâ police chiefs, âblackâ supreme kourt justices – hell, even a âblackâ president – and absolutely nothing will alter the genocidal relationship that governs Our national oppression here because the âblacksâ are a part of the colonial apparatus. They have made a strategic alliance with the capitalist-imperialists to act as go-betweens in Our oppression and exploitation.[12]
This is a conscious class stand. The âblackâ petty- bourgeoisie is not innocently confused, like say Mrs. Johnson across the street is about our national oppression. About the existence and subjugation of New Afrika. They are well read, have travelled and are experienced – they have just chosen sides against Us and in favor of Our historical enemies! And, the sooner We recognize and internalize this, the better off Weâll be.[13]
Black ainât nothing but a color. As a designation of Our national Identity it has played out. It is a superficial overstanding at best and a foolish and dangerous analysis at worst.[14]
We have no collective control over the qualitative factors which determine our lives. We do not, in other words, control Our destiny. Not as a people (Nation) or a state (government). We are not a free, self-determining people. We were, before contact, kidnapping and national oppression – but not now. And until this fundamental contradiction is resolved, until New Afrika is independent of U.S. imperialism and neo-colonial domination, We will remain at the continual mercy of Our historical enemies and their warped worldview. A worldview that breeds, promotes, encourages and finances predation and exploitation!
Which brings Us back to Rodney King and âCanât We All Just Get Alongâ. The question that begs an answer is: Who is this âWeâ he spoke of? The rebellion was against what was generally perceived as the system and particularly against exploiters who parasitically attached themselves to Our oppression, chose to bleed our communities of the little finances we were able to have. The masses, in their choice of targets, were only re-appropriating the wealth theyâd invested in these stores and businesses that were then taking that wealth out of the âhoods and barrios and giving it to the enemies of Us all. So âWeâ, the poor and exploited, were already âgetting alongâ with each other. Who We didnât get along with were those whoâd exploited Us. Whoâd bled our areas dry of finances while flooding our areas with a bunch of crap and b.s.
It wasnât the Crips, Bloods or Surenos [15] whoâd pulled Rodney King out of his car and beat the hell out of him. Nor was it the Black Liberation Army or the Brown Berets. So, why was his press conference directed at Us in the âhoods
and barrios? This also alerted Us to whom had arranged this press conference. The next question in line with his request is: What exactly did he mean by âGet along?â As in, âCan We All Get Along?â
Didnât Our âGetting Alongâ with national oppression lead Us to this point? Didnât We âjust get alongâ after they kidnapped Us, colonized Us, hung Us, neo-colonized Us, imprisoned Us, ghetto-ized Us, miseducated Us, un-employed Us, assassinated Our leaders, drugged Us, infected Us [16] and sent our youth to fight other oppressed peoples for them? Didnât We get along during all that? Getting âalongâ with U.S. imperialism and our own genocide, has gotten Us into this sordid ass state.
âGetting Alongâ allowed the pigs to feel comfortable with pulling Rodney King out of his car and beating the hell out of him. The pigs didnât fear reprisal from the Black Liberation Army for harming one of Our nationals because when they imprisoned Our combatants We âjust got alongâ with that. Re-read that.[17]
But you see, hereâs the thing – that was not Rodney Kingâs words, nor his thoughts. Probably not even his will. No, those who were pulling his vocal cords were those who had a vested interest, a stake, in the system – as it was before the Rebellion. Those who had made a political and economic (class) alliance – with the imperialists! His now famous quote was actually a message from our class enemies by way of someone who they thought we could identify with. But, of course, his (their) words fell upon deaf ears because those whoâd been treated just as bad (and some even worst) were out in the streets looking for a better day.
All the things people labored so hard to manufacture, at minimum wage jobs, but could not afford to buy, they got for FREE. People were getting food, clothing, diapers, shoes and whatever else they could never afford, but always needed. And this in an Empire whoâs wealth began upon their conquests and continues upon their exploitation today. Let Us not forget that the U.S., as an Empire, has never supported itself – EVER! It was born a parasite and grew to prominence – as a parasite. It is today a parasite. But in the wealthiest Empire on the planet, in the history of the world, people are starving, homeless and generally without.
The repression required to keep Us âjust getting alongâ is a massive effort undertaken by every branch of the oppressor government: Executive, Legislative and Judiciary. In fact, laws are enacted to maintain bourgeois hegemony over both internal and external colonies. Both Federal (National) and State (Regional) laws function to keep the oppressed tethered to the floor of the Empire.[18] There is a general and a permanent state of war that governs all relations between oppressor and oppressed. Sometimes itâs hidden and tactically called something else – usually something with a benign name that sounds well-meaning. You know like âWar on Povertyâ, or âWar on Drugsâ – âWar on Gangsâ. They militarize everything having to do with relations between oppressed and oppressor Nations. Itâs all part and parcel of the general and permanent state of war between Us and them! And just because We ainât ready, organized and responding to it donât mean itâs not a war. The âhoods, barrios and reservations are virtual prisons. The schools are half-way houses and the prison industrial complex is doing big business. Itâs a war alright. Ready or not.[19]
A permanent state of war must exist in order to maintain fear in and control over the internal colonies. This permanent state of war is called colonialism. When they allow someone who looks like you to govern you, for them – this is called Neo (New) Colonialism. And, when they let a âblackâ run the business, as in Rock Bottom being president of the U.S. – this is called post-neo-colonialism. But colonialism all the same. The system is capable of morphing at momentâs notice in order to survive and continue to oppress. As Butch Lee pointed out, âit can even appear as its opposite in order to evade destruction.â The slogan popularized by the old Black Liberation Movement, âBy Any Means Necessaryâ, actually embodies what the U.S. system of capitalism is really about. In practice. Always.[20]
They will select a âblackâ sock puppet to be the president to demonstrate to their investors that they are color blind – turn right around and imprison 800,000 New Afrikans.[21] Then, the sock puppet president, turns around and appoints various women to his team to show the people it is not patriarchal – but the same system is waging an authoritarian war on women and children. Tho especially women and children of color – those from the internal colonies (New Afrika, Puerto Rico, Aztlan and Indigenous Nations).[22]
And, of course, We have to contend with the loyal–enemies of the Empire. These are the ones who go hooping and hollering about âracismâ and âdiscriminationâ – boo-hooing about how exclusionary the system is – and yet they really only want in. They want âequalityâ – to be equal with the very ones they claim are âracistsâ. They use terms like âOUR governmentâ, or âOUR troops in Afghanistanâ – âOUR police Forceâ. They are clamoring against âdiscriminationâ because they feel they, too, should be allowed to prey on people. They want to be âequalâ in the system of capitalism. They donât want to stop the problem – they want to be a part of it. Why else would they ask for âequalityâ without calling into question the entire grotesque apparatus? [23]
This is what makes the petty bourgeois class of âblacksâ so dangerous. They have the resources, approval and backing of the imperialists to carry on their campaigns of accepted forms of protests, even when it appears to question the bourgeois laws of the enemy. For instance: theyâll support both a new trial and the release of Mumia Abu Jamal, only because we can prove that he was wrongly convicted as a part of a frame-up . And while We go on to link this frame-up with a total array of colonial maneuvers carried out to keep New Afrika oppressed and exploited, theyâll pull back at âracismâ and ignore Our need for self-determination. This, because their class interests reach an ending at calling into question the fundamental contradiction.[24] We can demonstrate this by the fact that there is no support for Sundiata Acoli, Jalil Muntaqim, Sekou Odinga or any other New Afrikan prisoners of war. Anything that points to the challenging of the fundamental contradiction – that calls into question the actual National Oppression of New Afrika – the petty bourgeoisie will ignore, reject or outright deny support for. This would not be in accord with their class interests as parasites upon Our misery, their collaboration with our oppressors. So, within the framework of their accepted forms of protests, as loyal enemies (as oppo-sames), they can call Mumiaâs capture, incarceration and conviction âracistâ, âdiscriminatoryâ and âquestionableâ. But thatâs where it will end. Thatâs the parameters. Thatâs the function of this class. To appear as staunch defenders of âblackâ, or âAfrikan Americanâ, rights, progress and equality only within the boundaries of established imperial rule. Which is to say only as âcitizensâ of the oppressor Nation – as âminoritiesâ needing special handling. Victims.
And here we are back at Rodney King. Once the spontaneous L.A. Rebellion had run its course, brought under control only secondarily by the National Guard – itâs primary weakness, of course, was its spontaneity [25] – the U.S. government enacted a counterinsurgency policy called Weed and Seed. This directive was issued straight from the White House, from then president George H.W. Bush. And, let Us not forget, that this same pig had, from February 1976, to November of that same year, been Director of the Central Intelligence Agency. So he was no stranger to counterinsurgency programs.[26]
Weed and Seed was a counterinsurgency program much like the Phoenix Program run previously on the Vietnamese people to, it explicitly said, âneutralize the Viet Cong by assassinating its cadres, destroying its bases among its people and strategically winning over the Vietnamese populationâ. That is exactly what Weed and Seed was about as well. In the âhoods and barrios of South Central.[27]
Once you see New Afrikans as an internal, colonized Nation and not simply as a âblack minority of discriminated against U.S. citizensâ, youâll begin to overstand the interchangeability of military tactics used against other colonies around the world. Not only did Weed and Seed implement a weeding out of âtroublemakersâ, i.e. combatants, leaders and political adversaries, but it seeded points of contention and distrust amongst the various participants in the Rebellion and Resistance that grew eventually into whatâs happening now between almost every âhood and barrio. These conflicts did not fall from the sky. Their origins are on Earth, issuing from designs that serve someoneâs needs. The idea is to follow the conflicts to the point of interest. Which is to say, who is benefiting from the conflicts? Keep the term Weed and Seed in mind as We go forward here.
Nationals of two oppressed and colonized Nations (Aztlan and New Afrika) are involved in shooting wars. Yes, these conflicts largely involve lumpen (criminal) elements. Those involved in street org activity. The lumpen element to a degree played some significant roles in the Revolution of the 60âs and early 70âs. Especially those who were able to transform their criminal mentalities into conscious Revolutionary mentalities. Even thoâ itâs largely lumpen elements in contention in the âhoods/barrios, regular, working-class people, students and children, are also being affected by these clashes. But the thing is, the combatants are nationals of oppressed Nations – those the U.S. government has already deemed âsocial dynamiteâ [28] and have slated for liquidation thru one of its various methods of collective death and destruction. So, once the enemy culture saw the mass unity during the Rebellion, measures thru Weed and Seed, were undertaken to divide, so as to be in a better position to CONQUER, these elements who obviously had no qualms about rebelling against oppression.
Hereâs one of the tactics they used: On Florence and Normandie Avenues, the acknowledged point of origin of the Rebellion, New Afrikans were shown on film pulling a Mexicano priest from his car, yanking his pants down, while he has on the ground, and spray painting his private parts black. This was not what it actually was reported to be. While this priest was, in fact, Mexicano, heâd been pointed out by a Mexicano as a child molester and was thus disciplined by the first group that got to him. But because those who got him were New Afrikan and he was obviously a Mexicano and no sound was attached to the video, the media was allowed to mis-interpret the scene as they wished.
And this is what they did. So, there was Reginald Denny layed out after being pulled from his truck – after heâd yelled âget your black asses out of the streetâ to the Rebels – and then beaten. And across the street was the Mexicano priest, pants pulled down, private parts painted black – and the Rebels were seemingly targeting anyone who wasnât New Afrikan as they passed. This is what it looked like from the helicopter and after the news people interpreted it as such. But that wasnât true.
The Rebels, the lumpen, had just had a very physical brawl with a few dozen L.A.P.D. pigs over their manhandling of a fellow by the name of Marc.[29] During the Rebelsâ battle to free Marc from the pigs clutches, a radio call came out which instructed the pigs to retreat – to leave the area. They got into their cars and left. Then the Rebels walked up to Florence Avenue and were attempting to secure the intersection from all vehicle traffic – that is: all vehicle traffic. Any motorists that attempted to pass had their vehicles bombarded with stones, sticks and bottles. The tactic was to secure the intersection against the eventual return of the L.A.P.D. Which, is must be added, has its 77th Division (a notoriously aggressive and hostile station) right down the avenue of Florence at Broadway. So, the idea, on a purely spur of the moment level, was to secure the main intersection from any and all flowing traffic. What is interesting to note is that the young Rebels and lumpen werenât trying to âstartâ the L.A. Rebellion. And it certainly wasnât about the Rodney King beating or verdict. Tho Weâd all seen that too. Where earlier in that fateful day the four L.A.P.D. pigs were acquitted after a trial for the taped beating.[30] While it most definitely wasnât the central factor, it was however one more nail in the coffin of belief in the system. This, if only for a few days, while Rebels re-appropriated various goods and demolished certain structures they knew were used to exploit and extract wealth out of the area. Local, mom and pop shops, were not destroyed or looted.
However, by showing over and over the corner of Florence and Normandie, Reginald Dennyâs stoning, the priestâs painting and the chaotic attempts by the Rebels and lumpens to secure the corner, the impression of âMadnessâ and âRacismâ was projected out into the city, region, state and the Empire. And, of course, like most things involving a challenge to capital, exploitation and private property, the statesâ propaganda machine put its own spin on these events. With a few agents on the ground, in key places, doing whisper campaigns, it wasnât too hard to convince right-wing street (and prison) organizations that it was the âRacist blacks attacking Mexicansâ. Thus began the acrimonious flow of orders to âget evenâ that issued from the tombs of the SHU units. Check the stats – after the â92 Rebellion, the hoods and barrios across L.A., Watts, Compton and Lynwood erupted in lethal clashes that have culminated in the hostile stand off that exists today. In the midst of the Rebellion nevertheless, there came a ceasefire order observed by some of the most dangerous and combative street orgs within the New Afrikan communities. Eighty percent of the sets complied with the cease fire. Bitter enemies blended across color lines in South Central, Watts and Compton. This was in the historic spirit of the 1965 Watts Rebellion [31] that saw a ceasefire and blending of the older New Afrikan street orgs in favor of United Action Against the L.A.P.D. and National Guard. Weed and Seed was to prevent this from happening again.
Once the streets orgs agreed upon a ceasefire in 1965, they, unlike the Crips and Bloods of 1992, had a social movement to join as an alternative.[32] A social movement that was increasingly becoming an armed revolution. Malcolm had been murdered earlier that year, in February. The Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM) was active, and nightly on the bourgeois news, images of civil rights protests were being shown. There existed a more obvious exposure of the fundamental contradiction. New Afrika was being rapidly de-colonized. The system of capitalism was morphing again, looking, searching, for new ways to maintain its control over the internal colonies, while simultaneously struggling to get new colonies in Vietnam, South Amerika and Afrika. The following year, in October, the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense would start. And, too, would the United Slave Organization. Most of the street org combatants whoâd come together in a cease fire during the 1965 Watts Rebellion, would go on to join either the Panther Party or the United Slaves. A move that wasnât lost on the FBI who, thru its Counterintelligence Program (Cointelpro) worked tirelessly to exacerbate pre-existing conflicts between individual combatants that inevitably spilled over into gunfights and murders.[33]
The same tactics were used against the Crips and Bloods under Weed and Seed, after the 1992 Rebellion. Same war, different names of the maneuvers, same objective. What should come across as evident to Us as We reflect on the various tactics used against Us over the centuries is that the enemy has more faith in Our ability to get free than we do. Put another way, the enemy has had to implement so many ploys, to hold, control, exploit and now to eliminate Us that for Us to sit and point these things out make even the most astute observer appear as a wing-nut conspiracy theorist. Tho of course, itâs no theory when its actually happening, as Butch Lee and J. Sakai point out in Rethinking New Orleans,[34] it ainât a conspiracy when itâs done out right and in the open – itâs a strategy. Why else would the imperialists have to implement plan after plan – sometimes elaborate and varied – to contain New Afrika (or any other colony) if for (1) it wasnât capable of breaking Free, (2) it wasnât an asset and (3) it wasnât able to turn itâs oppression into the actual defeat of the empire itself? [35]
Oftentimes the reaction to an issue can be a lesson unto itself. In this instance the enemyâs reaction to Our very existence is quite enough for those with eyes and ears, to recognize the vast potential in our collective ability to break de chains. Of course, the fact remains that the chains which bind – that at this stage are psychological – are so thoroughly in place that the masses have to be convinced that they are oppressed.[36] Consciousness will not fall from the sky. Nor will people be moved to action by mere thoughts, or ideas in anyoneâs head. On both accounts material, earthbound, tangibles – food, clothing, shelter, Land, and control of destiny (Socialism) will motivate the masses. People are moved by interests.
So, in closing, it never was about Rodney King, the verdict, or any singular thing at all. These, however were accelerants, or sparks, at any given time, but the basic most fundamental thing that causes Us to struggle, to resist, is that We are not collectively free to determine Our own destiny. That we are under the thumb of U.S. imperialism. And this imperialism is administered thru colonialism – colonial violence (violence both armed and unarmed). Violence does damage (physically or mentally) – in the streets or in the schools. Thru police shootings or cultural hegemony. The colonialism is in place to exploit
Us through capitalism. Letâs be clear on this. Because whether the people are conscious of this or not, it is the reality We are in. And it follows that it will be Our recognition, challenge to and resolution of this fundamental contradiction that will end Our National oppression. Without overstanding this, Weâll continue to be played on Amerikaâs Ferris Wheel of âcitizenryâ – dazed and confused. Being led by the âblackâ bourgeoisie to meekly just âget alongâ with Our oppression. Hau!
Rebuild!
Sanyika Shakur
Sanyika Shakur in a New Afrikan Communist currently held in Pelican Bay’s Security Housing Unit; you can write to him at:
Kody Scott  D#07829
PBSP-SHU / C-7-112
PO Box 7500
Crescent City, CA
95532
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